Table Of ContentSocial Stratification and
Change in India
YOGENDRA SINGH
T<TJCT~
Entered iu tU t be· ,-, 1 1•1"1'
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MANOHAR
1997
Contents
Preface to the Second Edition 7
Pref ace to the First Edition 15
l. Sociology of Social Stratification: I 27
2. Sociology of Social Stratification: II 98
3. Concepts and Theories of Social Change 137
·k 4. Country-Town Nexus: Social Transformation 183
First published 1977 in Contemporary Indian Society
Reprinted 1989
Revised edition 1997 5. Some Emerging Issues in the Indian Sociology 194
of Social Stratification
© Yogendra Singh, 1977, 1997
~6. Sociology of the Integration of Marginalized 207
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be Groups in Indian Society
reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
without prior permission of the author and the publisher X 7. Present Social Situation in India: 224
A Sociological Analysis
ISBN 81-7304-I 88-1
Bibliography 243
Published by Index 269
Ajay Kumar Jain for
Manohar Publishers & Distributors
2/6 Ansari Road Daryaganj
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Pref ace to the Second Edition
Social Stratification and Change in India, first published in 1977
has since been widely read through successive reprints. It
contained two long essays on concepts and theories of social
change and social stratification, each prepared for the Indian
Council of Social Science Research. These essays placed in
perspective the development of sociology in our country with
special reference to the studies of social change and social
stratification, and offered a critical review of these in terms of
concepts, theories and substantive concerns.
It has since been felt that the book should be revised and
enlarged to bring the debate on concepts, theories and
substantive issues on social change and social stratification in
India to address and take account of the contemporary
processes and orientations on these problems. Both conc
eptually and substantively many new developments have taken
place during the decades of the 1980s and 1990s in the
studies of social change and stratification in India. In the
present edition we have attempted a comprehensive analysis
of these developments. Five new chapters have been added.
Each of these attempts to analyse not only the changing
ground realities and processes but also the emerging
conceptual and theoretical concerns.
NEW ORIENT A TIO NS IN
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION STUDIES
Compared to the studies of social stratification from the
1950s to the mid-1970s, the decades of 1980s and 1990s have
reflected some basic changes in the comprehension of issues
and their theorizing. This we have discussed in the new essay
on 'Sociology of Social Stratification'. An identifiable new
orientation that seems to have emerged during this period is
that of concerns with the origins and evolutionary processes
of the institutions of caste and class. This has further resulted
in two contingent developments: one, there is new sensitivity
8 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND CHANGE IN IND!:\ PREFACE TO T!-lE SECOND EDITION 9
to take into account history in the studies of sociology, and evolved during the phase of the national movement. This
secondly, the emphasis is upon in-depth exploration of the movement itself generated counter-paradigms of which the
ideologies of caste and class from an evolutionary perspective. model suggested by Dr. Ambedkar is the one which is most
The two orientations have reinforced each other. One major exhaustive and analytically vigorous. This contributed to the
result of these changes is the emergence of a non emergence of what we have termed as the 'Constitutional
Brahmanical paradigm for the study of caste, class and paradigm' of integration of the various marginalized groups
processes of social stratification in India. The question of of the Indian society into a nation-state. As indeed, the
origin and formation of these institutions has assumed new working of the Constitution has so far revealed, there are
significance in the literature. many more adjustments and accommodations to be made in
The ascendance of Dalit and Backward Class movements the future years. The policy of protective discrimination has a
has brought out the ideological debate on caste and class to central place in this regard.
the foreground of its cultural and sociological matrix. An Ironically, as the agenda of integration takes a new turn in
alternate cultural construction of India through the historical the context of social stratification and nation-building process
stages of the evolution of protest and revolt against the traditional categories of stratification such as caste and
Brahmanical orthodoxy has gained momentum which class are exposed to new theoretic tensions. As we shift our
traverses Indian history from the Vedic (particularly focus in such studies from issues of 'ranking' and 'hierarchy'
Upanishadic) to the Buddhist-Jain, to the Bhahti protest to elements of 'domination' and 'exploitation', the need for
traditions onward to the non-Brahmanical rationalist move empowerment and not mere intra-systemic mobility assumes
ments of modern India. Counter-cultural models of stratifica significance. Also the scope of the conceptual categories of
tion are revived through focus on local Jati-puranas in many social stratification is widened to include gender, which cuts
regions of India. Here the ideology of caste is presented in across the boundaries of caste or class. The need for their
an ambiguous yet critical language of protest. protective discrimination also assumes significance. In addi
An important implication of these developments is a shift tion, the groups uprooted from their economic and cultural
in focus on the studies of caste, class and ethnic groups. It moorings either due to political strife or due to ecological
moves away from the established ideology of change and displacement (developmentally generated or due to natural
mobility to concerns with questions of identity, domination and catastrophes), the groups suffering from marginalization and
exploitation, hidden in this ideology. The last decade has exploitation due to political oppression or human rights
witnessed an explosion in the consciousness of identities and violation or groups having practices, customs and beliefs
concern with autonomy and cultural pluralism all over the dissenting from those in the mainstream or dominant cultural
world. This development in India, however, is further majority, etc., come increasingly within the conceptual and
bounded by its own historical processes where it has resulted methodological ambit of social stratification studies. Sensitivity
in, first, a much critical appraisal of the notions of to such issues is gaining momentum in India, and the studies
'integration' and 'mobility' within the system, and secondly, of social stratification in the future years would increasingly
there is new emphasis on the recognition of the autonomy of reflect this reality. .
cultural and social identities of the 'marginalized groups' and These developments have deeply influenced the theoretical
its preservation in the process of economic development and orientations in contemporary social stratification studies. The
modernization of the nation. We have analysed this problem early emphasis on systemic conceptualizations anchored either
in the essay on 'Sociology of the Integration of the Marginal in the functionalist or historical materialist (Marxist) theoreti
ized Groups (Scheduled castes, Tribes and Back.yard Classes) cal frames is undergoing serious rethinking. A clear enunci
into Indian Society'. The paradigm of 'integration', which ation of the alternate theoretical paradigms has not yet fully
essentially implies not total assimilation but inter-cultural emerged, and in most studies of social stratification one may
linkages without jeopardizing identities of cultural pluralism, find a good mix of both the functionalist and historical-
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND CHANGE IN INDIA PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION 11
materialist theoretical orientations. Yet, it is realized that in base of democracy in India. Each of these developments,
order to have a fuller theoretical grasp over the problems of which are mainly the result of five decades of planning for
social stratification where the categories through which its the modernization of our society, has contributed towards
processes are comprehended go beyond the issues of stability and resilience of the national economy and our social
'hierarchy' to that of 'domination' and 'exploitation', there is system. Yet each specific case of success has led to related
need for new theoretical sensitivities. This sensibility should social consequences which generate contradictions and
be able to fully comprehend the richness of identities, subjec tensions in our society.
tivities and pluralities of the relevant processes of stratifica For instance, the emergent powerful rural middle classes
tion as also their deeper and individualized symbolic contents. drawn largely from among the rich peasantry and the middle
The theoretical choices, therefore, tend to be moving towards level castes have taken the country out of the era of
a range of orientations from hermeneutics, to cultural analysis humiliating food scarcities. The class is imbued with a new
to phenomenology. Some studies of social stratification have sense of work culture and entrepreneurial ethos. As the
been attempted employing these perspectives. But the overall motor force of the Backward Class movements in India it has
theoretical preferences continue to be synthetic and pluralistic enlarged and intensified the agenda of social justice and
in orientation. equality. This class traditionally had an ambivalent relation
ship with Brahmanical orthodoxy, and its ascendance today
on the national political scene may harbinger a movement
PERSPECTIVES ON SOCIAL CHANGE
towards cultural liberalism and strengthening of the processes
The treatment of social stratification encompasses the pers of secularization of society. Yet, ironically, the cultural and
pectives on social change. The two processes are deeply inter social practices of this class show increased levels of
related. In this edition we have attempted to offer our assess ideological conservatism and conflictual relationship with the
ment of the contemporary processes of social change with the marginal-ized and under-class groups such as the tribals,
inclusion of two new essays: 'Country-Town Nexus: Social Dalits and women. The strong tradition of work culture of
Transformation in Contemporary Indian Society' and this class seems to be neutral to or even violative uf the
'Present Social Situation in India: A Sociological Analysis'. ethical social contents of liberalism. In the past, the peasant
These essays read along with others should provide a com tradition was symbolized by its commitment to B hahti
prehensive picture of social change in India today. No doubt, movements in most parts of the country. The present de
the processes of change are imbued with elements of crisis ethicization of the rural middle class peasantry which is
and contradictions arising out of both successes achieved increasingly gaining access to political power in the country
through our developmental policies as also failures in some does engender cultural and social contradictions. It is
sensitive areas. reflected in the changing inter-caste and inter-class
Some of the changes which could be termed as indicators relationships and also in the crisis of legitimacy of institutions
of 'success' are: emergence of a strong rural middle class as of State and polity.
carriers of the 'green revolution'; widening of the social base The same tendency is recurrent among all other new
of the industrial entrepreneurial classes and increase in their middle classes in India such as the industrial entrepreneurial,
numbers; the emergence of strong social movements of Dalits, professional-technological and educational classes. On the one
women, tribals and other marginalized groups and the hand, there is an increase in their aspiration to achieve, to
sharpening of their political and cultural awareness; the succeed, to move upward in social stratification for which all
emergence of a substantial middle class of professionals in the possible facets of instrumental rationalities are mobilized and
fields of management, science, technology, medicine, law and acquired. On the other hand, these instrumental rationalities
engineering, etc., due to the successful policy of higher are defined in ethically neutral terms or tend to be violative
education and finally the widening and strengthening of the '.)f the ethical norms. This leads to two immediate cultural
12 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND CHANGE IN INDIA PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION 13
and social consequences: first, it leads to the awakening of the ful implementation of the family welfare policies. As we
commitment to ideology of sharing and social justice towards review the successes and failures of our policy of social
the poor and the marginalized. Secondly, the under-class and change and development today we increasingly realize the
the Dalit perceive this attitude of the middle classes towards crucial role that literacy plays not only in the access to
them as justification for aggressive responses on their side. employment but also as a prime-mover in reduction of
This leads to new social contradictions. This is_ increasingly poverty, in the enhancement of productive potential of the
observed in the emergent relationships between the slum individual, in the acceptance of family welfare norms, and in
dwellers and the urban middle classes in cities and the rich the overall empowerment of the deprived and the
peasantry and the Dalits and the landless laboureres in the marginalized groups in society. Comparative studies in most
villages. The same pattern is repeated in the attitude of the East Asian societies have shown a close relationship between
professional, technical and intellectual middle classes towards the levels of literacy and the extent of the removal of poverty
the underprivileged and the deprived sections of the society. and the empowerment of wo~en and other deprived groups.
The substantial rise in the number of the middle classes The rate and the scale of popuiation growth in India is
makes a critical contribution to the overall processes of social bound to have a detrimental influence on the growth and dis
change and development in our society. The positive tribution of the resources of the nation. It has also cultural
contribution of this class is indeed obvious as it contributes to and ecological consequences and gets invariably enmeshed
the growth of economy and mirrors societal resiJi,ence. Its with all other processes of development and change in
problematic side is rather complex, and cannot be analysed society. It is revealed by our own internal experiences of
on a purely negative-positive dimension. It is imbedded in the development in the country that in order to overcome those
dynamic cultural matrix of the middle classes in India which problems empowerment of women and mass literacy
lends itself to more fruitful analysis from a phenomenological (particularly the education of the girl child and the women in
or psycho-cultural mode of theoretical treatment. The notion the reproductive age group) are essential. The growth in this
of ethical commitment is itself a _complex and a multilayered domain is bound to have positive consequences in overcoming
phenomenon. It has dissimilarities of expression and judge the emerging social and cultural contradictions in our society_
ment at the subjective-objective levels and at the levels of the lt may also add a moral or an ethical corrective to our
real versus the normative praxis. The middle class social emerging value-neutral achievement-oriented democratic
psychology about ethical commitments in ideal terms is society.
certainly that of approval and affirmation. It is apparent In a larger sense, social change in present-day India
from their support to the causes that seek establishment of reflects a revolutionary process of social and cultural re
morality and cleanliness in public and private life. At the structuration. The rise of the backward classes and castes to
same time, at the behavioural level or at the level of day-to power, the assertiveness of the Dalits and the marginalized
day social practice middle class commitment to ethical values groups, particularly women in our polity, the increasing
tends to be ambiguous and dithering. It suggests that a great recognition of the role of the voluntary people's movements
churning process is on in the cultural realm of India today to supplement and forewarn in the context of the State
and a level of equilibrium is yet to emerge. In the future apparatus of social engineering, etc., reflect how the strategies
studies of social change and its diagnosis this dimension of of reconciliation and consensus are being reinforced. It is a
cultural change should form a vital component. dynamic and complex process. However, it is clear that both
Despite successes in several fields, the process of social resilience and contradiction are at play in this process of
change in India also reveals failures and handicaps in many social transformation of our society.
areas. Some of these could be identified as: the failure in the
removal of illiteracy; the failure in the abolition of destitution Jawaharlal Nehru University ~ YOGENDRA SINGH
of a large section of our society and the failure in the success- New Delhi
I 4 September 1996
Pref ace to the First Edition
Social stratification and change, the themes of the two essays
in this volume, constitute the fundamental processes of
society. Despite the apparent contradistinction between social
stratification-which refers to the principal mechanism of
social order in society-and change-which reflects its inner
contradictions and motions, the two processes converge
theoretically as well as substantively. An objective analysis of
social stratification is not possible without reference to the
processes of social mobility, the cleavages and contradictions
that the system brings about as the scheme of social differen
tiation or hierarchy leads to the tensions of status crystal
lization on the one hand and status dissonance on the other.
The cleavage between the 'have' and the 'have-not' in the
process of status crystallization within the class or caste
principles of social stratification reflects this reality, whether
the bases of deprivation are wealth, privilege or power. One
would notice this continuity of concepts and substantive social
process in the treatment of both social stratification and social
change in India, which have been reviewed in the two essays
in the context of the growth of Indian sociology.
The sociology of social stratification in India has been
reviewed with special reference to the contribution that
studies in this field have made in theory, method and
substantive domains. In terms of theory, a distinction may be
drawn between 'master theories' of social stratification and
'conceptual schemes'. The same holds true for studies in
social change. It would appear that in the analysis of both
'social stratification' and 'social change', Indian sociology, as
also sociology in general, has been more oriented to the uses
of conceptual schemes rather than master theories. Master
theories com prise nomological and systematic variety. The
nomological or law-like theories using a set of sociological
propositions in logical interrelationships and calculi of
abstraction or inference are limited in scope, far less relevant
16 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND CHANGE IN INDIA PREFACE TO TIIE FIRST EDITION 17
in studies of social change or social stratification. The use of differentiation in caste, class, elite or other status groups and
nomological theory in the analysis of social stratification or categories. Both attributional and interactional criteria are
social change in India has been rare. The application of used for ranking groups or strata in a system of hierarchy.
systematic theory in the analysis both of social stratification Attributional criteria are mainly nominalistic and refer to the
and change has been more pronounced, particularly among ranking of individuals, through a set of characteristics, such
sociologists who use a dialectical model of analysis. In theory, as income, occupation, hou-sing, education, etc. A good
these too resemble 'conceptual schemes' rather than theory example is the operationalization of Victor S. D'Souza's defi
proper. Most studies, of course, use neither nomological nor nition of caste and class or the role of income, education and
a systematic theoretical model. occupation in the status mobility of individuals or families in
Systematic theory in sociology holds great promise. It is urban centres analysed by Mc Kim Marriott (cf. Chapter 1) .
latent in most analyses of change and social stratification even This method of ranking also assumes the weakening of the
when the sociologist only uses conceptual schema for a corporate structure of the groups or communities concerned.
descriptive or analytical treatment of the phenomena. Its In a village it is assumed that the significance of individual
proper application, however, imposes certain conditions on ranking through attributes such as those of income or
the sociological operations. These are: historical contextuality education would be highly circumscribed by the fact that caste
combined with empirical observations of its contemporary and subcaste groups, and not individuals, would operate as
social formations; rigorous uses of the principles of confir units of social stratification. Here, not 'individual ranking' but
mation or disconfirmation of propositions; and imposition of the principle of 'corporate ranking' prevails and status is
logical norms in the operationalization of concepts and collectively defined. Hence the significance of interactional
methodological strategies. A systematic theory, whether it is criteria such as pollution and purity, social distance in day-to
dialectical or functional in nature would fall short in its day interaction, etc., for understanding the structure and
explanatory power if it deviates from these standards. The change in the rural social stratification system. Such criteria
inadequacy of the conceptual schemes in the study of social also assume a certain degree of close-ended social structure.
stratification or change is derived mainly from these short The utility of attributional criteria of ranking in the urban
comings. Consequently, in Indian sociology one comes across centres and of interactional criteria in the villages as formu
many conceptual schemes which appear to be a systematic lated by Marriott may not be as valid as his statement that
theory, either dialectical or functional, but are devoid of its wherever the social system is closed rather than open,
power. The roots of this contradiction can be traced through interactional criteria of ranking or the principle of corporate
the studies that form the bases of the two essays on social ranking would operate. This is particularly relevant con
stratification and concept of change respectively. sidering that the distinction between _rural and urban is not
The theoretical and methodological issues in the studies of territorial but structural, and in the structural sense, the neat
social stratification in India relate mainly to the formulation dichotomy between the two continues to be problematic.
of conceptual schemes and their operationalization through Despite the dissimilarity between the social structures of the
indicators of status, levels of equality and inequality, occupa city and the village, many village-like structures persist m
tional differentiation or degree of homogeneity and hetero urban centres.
geneity of groups in status hierarchy and of interaction Yet another context in which the theory and method of
variables such as pollution-purity (through exchange of food social stratification studies need to be evaluated is their power
articles, co-dining, etc.), dominance, fusion, fission, etc. The of generalization. In this respect, assuredly systematic theory
predominant method of analysis is through conceptual has greater power than mere conceptual schema. The
schemes, in which either attributional or interactional criteria conceptual schemes used in the treatment of caste social
are used to define the dimensions of cultural and structural stratification emphasize this very clearly. These help in the
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND CHANGE IN INDIA PREF ACE TO Tl IE FIRST EDITION 19
systematic description or even analysis of the structure of In recent years, however, there has been a more intensive
caste and its role in social hierarchy. We have been able to and systematic effort by economic historians, economists,
classify the various shades of approaches to the definition of sociologists and social anthropologists to formulate interac
caste as a reality using a two-dimensional property space. This tional classificatory categories of classes from Marxist metho
is: Universalism-Particularism and Cultural-Structural. The dological frames of reference. Daniel Thorner, who in his
universalism-particularism dimension refers to caste either as early works on agrarian classes used interactional categories
a universal or cross-societal reality or a typically Indian social like 'malik', 'mazdur' and 'money-lender', has in the 1970s
reality. The cultural-structural dimension refers to whether been trying to work out a more critical and systematic
caste, as a social phenomenon, could be understood primarily classification of historical bases of socio-economic formations.
as an ideological or cultural system enshrined in a system of His critique on various modes of production such as
normative principles or whether it could be treated as a 'primitive communism', 'Asiatic mode of production', 'ancient
system of social relationships par excellence. Obviously, this or slave mode of production', 'feudal mode of production',
scheme of classification helps more in the ordering of the 'capitalist mode of production' and the 'socialist mode of
varied interpretations of the nature of caste and its socio production' takes into account several historical-existential
logical constructions than in any forecasting about its future variations within each mode of production, with some of
course of change. The same could be said about other dicho them having a very precarious historical basis (cf. 'The
tomous conceptual schemes, such as the distinction between Principal Modes of Production of Karl Marx: Some
the 'closed' and 'open' and 'segmentary' and 'organic' Preliminary Notes', October 1973, a paper presented at the
properties of the caste stratification system. seminar on the Emergence of Agrarian Capitalism in Africa,
Moving from caste to class as a principle of social strati South of the Sahara, Dakar, 3-13 December 1973). Thorner
fication, we find that the theoretic and methodological has been particularly concerned with the 'multiple and
bottlenecks of dependence on conceptual schemes rather than contradictory disadvantages' of clinging to an analysis of
systematic theory continue to persist. Indeed, in the studies of changes in structure of societies on the basis oLthe above
class, there is an increased tendency towards using inter classification of modes of production. 'If we remind
actional categories through which dialectics of the processes ourselves' he says, 'of another current question-"God, is he
of social stratification rather than its mere formal properties dead?"-may we not ask whether the series of modes of
could be analysed. This is particularly true of studies using production of Marx still retains its raison d'etre.'
Marxist theoretical models with their pre-supposition of The interactional categories of class formation in the study
evolutionary system constructs. But such studies are few, and of social stratification inhere systematic theoretical concern,
of more recent origin. Otherwise, schematization of class and the neo-Marxist sociologists have contributed particularly
based on attributional criteria also abounds in the analysis of richly towards this objective. The approach of these socio
class stratification. Most formulations of agrarian strata use logists and social anthropologists differs from orthodox Marx
such criteria. There are many who depend on income, size of ists in several ways: their systemic theoretic interests do not
land holding, occupational differentiation, etc., to arrive at cease merely ,with deductive constructions of system states
class categorization. Quite often, students of class stratification based on classical Marxism; instead, they tend to be more
start with attributional properties, such as occupational theoretically conscious of the rules of confirmation and
categories, and then transform them for analytical interpre disconfirmation of propositions and of the limits of
tative purposes into interactional categories (cf. Ramakrishna operativity of concepts and categories. They also place greater
Mukherjee on class in Chapter 1). Nevertheless, most studies emphasis on the historical contextuality of events and use the
on agrarian class structure use only attributional criteria for observations derived in this frame for systematic verification.
the classification of classes. Daniel Thorner represents this new wave pre-eminently. In
20 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND CHANGE IN IND!:\ PREFACE TO Tl-IE FIRST EDITION 21
the mode of production thesis, he does not reject its philo
There is indeed a corresponding new awareness among
sophical and methodological relevance, but its doctrinaire
some sociologists, economists and social historians in India.
usage as tool of analysis. In a note on 'The Peasantry
They use Marxist methods and categories in social analysis, be
Confronted with Industrial Capitalism, 1770-1970', he parti
it the study of agrarian structure and class formation, or
cularly highlights this point in connection with 'peasant
study of feudalism and capitalism as socio-economic systems,
economy' and 'feudalism'. He writes:
with emphasis on social and historical contextuality in opera
the term 'feudalism' or 'feudal mode of production' broke down tionalization and objective historical-empirical standards of
because too much was asked of it. We should strive to avoid the confirmation and disconfirmation of propositions. The doctri
same fate for 'peasant economy at the national level'. Around our naire manner in which Indian societal processes and their
core of structures at the level of Nation or States, we should expect structure were interpreted in the 1940s and the 1950s by
to find several other sets of families of States or Nations which differ several Marxist thinkers has now been replaced with an
in one or more basic characteristics from our central core group. We
emphasis on the historical individuality of social formations
probably have to deal here with what may amount to four or even
and the consequent adaptive changes and innovations in
eight or more different 'modes of production'. To lump them all
categorical and methodological strategies. In their studies of
together on the basis of a few purely qualitative criteria will doom
class formation and its social processes in India, several
us, in all probability, to an empty handed return to base zero! If, on
Marxist sociologists and economists have not recognized the
the other hand, we start with a limited number of sufficiently similar
role of non-economic social factors such as caste, region and
peasant socio-economic formations at the national level, say twelve
or at the most twenty, we may be able to progress toward the cultural prejudices which refract the nature of social contra
elaboration of theory of peasant economy at the State level. (Italics dictions in Indian society (cf. Y. Singh in M.N. Srinivas et al.,
added.) Dimensions of Social Change in India, New Delhi: Allied
Publishers, 1977). In a Marxist analysis of class formation and
Commenting directly on the 'mode of production' approach
its process in India Meghnad Desai writes:
to social analysis, Thorner writes:
The bourgeoisie cannot, because of its weakness, pursue unbridled
From a methodological point of view, after having benefited from
capital accumulation. The petty bourgeois view of socialism and
more than a full century from Marx's concept, 'mode of
public sector expansion means a creation of unproductive
production '-brilliant, indeed a stroke of genius in its time, and
government jobs and the policing of the Big Bourgeoisie with the
incredibly fruitful for two or three successive generations of thinkers
paraphernalia of state agencies. In this curious alliance lies the
and scholars-is it not our duty today to try, standing on the
contradiction of the Indian ruling class. Its mass support is in
shoulders of Marx, to work out further concepts useful and fruitful
conflict with its class interest. The deadlock results in slow and
for our generation and, if the God so wishes, for that which will
uneven growth insufficient to alleviate unemployment and poverty.
succeed us. (cf. Thorner 1973, op. cit.)
This slow and uneven growth also strengthens the other main
The innovative concern in Thorner's Marxist sociology is contradictions: uneven regional development and inter-regional
indeed representative of the orientation of several contem antagonism. Slow growth postpones the emergence of a national
porary thinkers. Social and economic historians, E.J. economy with division of labour on a national scale. In doing this, it
also, however, frustrates the possibility of an alliance of the poor
Hobsbawm, Pierre Vilar, Witold Kula and social anthropo
across regions. It keeps the class struggle fragmented regionally and
logists, M. Godelier, M. Sahlins, G. Dalton and K. Polanyi
diverts the energies of a regional struggle into chauvinistic channels.
among others have contributed substantively to the analysis of
(Meghnad Desai, 'fodia: Emerging Contradictions of Slow Capitalist
concrete structures and processes of societies in primitive,
Development', in Robin Blackburn ed., Explosions in a Subcontinent,
peasant and feudal-capitalistic stages of social formation
London: Penguin Books, 1975.)
within the Marxist methodological framework, but with deep
innovative insights. More than in the analysis of class structure, it would be
noticed that historical insights have been increasinglv utilized
'~JNI ✓tr~Sl1 Y OF
CENTR.. . A,l. lll!SlltARY
()l). ~ Q 0i
